Kosovization of the Albanian opposition

Ljubisa Nikolovski
Ljubisa Nikolovski. / Photo: Free Press

The political subjects in the Albanian opposition need an urgent lobotomy of the ideological matrix in order to understand the new geostrategic reality that the future of this region is not in the isolationism that Kurti adheres to, but in mutual cooperation and full membership in the EU and that there is no a place for petty political nationalists with their feet and head in the past.

Turbulences in the body of political parties of the Albanians in Macedonia led to their crushing and fragmentation of as many as seven political entities, the most so far since the beginning of political pluralism in the country.

All of them are now looking for their place under the Macedonian sun, but in the ideologically narrowed space, some of them do it by wanting to dim its rays, riding on the cloud of nationalism, carelessly using the winds from neighboring Kosovo.

What can be seen with the naked eye is that the opposition parties of the Albanians in Macedonia, instead of making a clear ideological profile in this intermediate space, ran to Kosovo's Prime Minister Albin Kurti, thinking that in this way they would increase their ratings among their electorate. more than they actually have.

In the current parliamentary constellation, they may have greater media visibility, but it is still far from establishing a common electoral platform with which they would participate in the next elections. What binds them for now is their impatience with DUI, but whether that will be enough to replace it on the political stage will have to be seen yet.

All the more so since it is still a question of dwarf parties, in which the leader's vanity prevails faster than drawing up a plan for long-term cooperation. Practice has so far shown that they come together quickly, but they come apart even more quickly.

Faced with this situation, they resorted to importing "credibility" in the character of Albin Kurti. Unfortunately, knowingly or unknowingly, he unnecessarily involved himself in "Macedonian affairs" in an old-fashioned, paternalistic way from the nineties, unsuited to the new era. Instead of meeting with representatives of the ruling parties of the Albanians or even more with representatives of the Government, he came as if Macedonia were a "village without dogs" and attended local events which he knew had a sensitive ethno-political charge, not taking into account the the iconography that accompanied it.

Thus, not only did it cast a shadow on the officially good Macedonian-Kosovo relations, but it was also criticized by the Kosovo opposition. Former Kosovo Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj and leader of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo sent an open message to the Albanians in Macedonia not to trust Kurti because he does not fulfill his promises and wants to pretend to be some regional leader of the Albanians.

In their short-sightedness, our opposition entities from the Albanian bloc of parties do not realize that Kurti's rating is in question not only in Kosovo, but also internationally. Time passes, and he cannot solve his internal problems with the Serbian community, which is why he is under strong international pressure. Because of this, he loses the support of the United States, something that was written into the political DNA of all Albanians in the region as a genetic code, and thus puts the future of Kosovo at stake.

These political entities will need an urgent lobotomy of the ideological matrix to understand the new geostrategic reality that the future of this region is not in the isolationism that Kurti adheres to, but in mutual cooperation and full membership in the EU and that there is no place there for small political nationalists with their feet and head in the past.

They are probably blind to realize that the Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama realized this in time and is rushing towards the EU with big steps, skillfully playing the role of one of the regional leaders, with eyes open to the regional connection, whatever it is called - Open Balkans or the Berlin Process.

It is unfortunate that these "big" leaders of small parties sided with Kurti in his dispute with Edi Rama over these geostrategic perspectives. In contrast to them, Ali Ahmeti, the leader of the DUI, at the meeting with Kurti in Ohrid, acted as someone who was "good" with him and even gave him useful advice, which he obviously did not use.

But what is worrying for us in Macedonia is how the coalition will be with these parties in which "Kosovization" is deeply penetrating, if any of them is in a position to be a necessary partner in the future Government.

Don't let the Macedonian parties, who will receive the mandate to form the government, beg DUI to return, in the style - I give two hundred, take her away, I give three hundred, bring her back.

Because in its decades of rule, the DUI suffered from the infantile diseases of primal nationalism that now plague these opposition parties.

It is true that DUI has meanwhile turned into a DNO (company with unlimited liability) and is involved in a series of financial affairs, but with a good airing of the "stink", there is hope that it will be able to survive.

(The author is a journalist)


Taken from Racin.mk

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