A noose around the EU's neck

edging steel
Ivica Celikovic. Free Press Archive

It is much more important for the Macedonian government, instead of turning to the dates in the European indefinite time, to turn to the reforms that will provide the Macedonian citizens with at least a little better life - here and now - with less corruption, crime, nepotism, deep partisanship of employment and with an intensified struggle to strengthen the judiciary and the rule of law.

Prime Minister Dimitar Kovacevski once again expressed his belief that Macedonia can become a full member of the EU by 2030. If everything goes according to the predictions, says Kovacevski, "that we had when we made the negotiation framework". So, predictions that are based on a serious dose of positive expectations.

After several decades of blockades and vetoes, Macedonia has finally come close to accession negotiations for EU membership. There is still optimism and a certain enthusiasm that the flywheel of European integration has finally touched the rusty (from a long wait) Macedonian cogwheel, regardless of the fact that the real expectations of whether the development is really taking place in such a direction are actually very divided in the Macedonian public.

But in what condition is the EU in order to gather strength and enough energy to reopen its gate in front of the waiting room in which aspirant countries continue to be pushed? What factors influence the enlargement policy to experience crashes in recent years? And are the encouraging statements of the leading EU leaders, that "Eastern enlargement is a win-win" (Olaf Scholz), an expression of the real support that still exists in the member states for the acceleration of this process?

When we talk about expectations, they are constantly linked to the changes of the rotating presidency to the EU, especially when the baton is taken over by members who are considered to be able to contribute by putting enlargement at the center of the EU agenda. The current Czech presidency, - after the German chancellor Scholz, as well as the president of the European Commission, Der Leyen, pointed out the right of veto as one of the key problems that slows down European integration and allows individual member states to inhibit others, - expressed these days hopes that it would be possible to make a step towards lifting the veto in certain areas.

But for such a thing, first of all, it is necessary to open the EU treaty (the EU constitution), which is opposed by a large number of members. Bulgaria is one of those who express skepticism towards that idea, which is of course completely understandable. How could Sofia so effectively impose her policy of pressures and blackmails to build (un)friendship and good-neighborliness if her right of veto was taken away?

On the other hand, some other members do not hide their open skepticism towards the latest wave of initiatives to streamline the decision-making process within the EU. Sweden, which will take over the presidency of the EU from January 1 after the Czech Republic, has been advocating for a long time the abolition of the right of veto in the domain of the Union's foreign policy, precisely because of the need to obtain a more functional and efficient EU. But according to the Swedish Minister of European Affairs, Stockholm does not even want to hear about the opening of the EU treaty for the time being, but that issue could be the subject of discussions "after several years".

In Europe, in recent years, there have been electoral successes of extreme right-wing parties, which leave no room for doubt that with their commitments they want to weaken the EU from within. The latter who have recently gained an even more significant place on the list of extreme nationalist politicians in Europe, - who, similar to the French right-wing leader Marine Le Pen, look with disgust at everything that makes the EU work as an effective European cooperation organization, - are the Sweden Democrats, an extreme right-wing party that achieved great electoral success and gained decisive influence in the beginning of the formation of the new Swedish government.

Already, critical voices have been raised that such a development risks jeopardizing the reputation and influence that Sweden undoubtedly has as an EU member. Sweden Democrats oppose and say "no" to almost everything to do with the EU. For example, when it comes to the principles of the rule of law. For years, Sweden has been among the members most committed to getting Hungary and Poland to respect the independence of the courts and other important principles of the rule of law. In the Swedish Parliament-Riksdag, all parties – except the Sweden Democrats – unreservedly supported such a policy.

If the Sweden Democrats now gain a strong influence in the policies of the new government coalition, it will certainly cast a big shadow on Sweden's good intentions regarding key EU issues. In the past months, the EU has taken significant steps to revive the process of enlargement to the East. Sweden is one of the members that for decades, regardless of the political colors of the government, has advocated for the continued enlargement of the EU. It's no secret that the Sweden Democrats want to close the door to new EU members, so the issue is now suddenly back in government circles in Stockholm. If the Swedish government allows the Sweden Democrats to set the agenda so that they start to block further EU enlargement, it would be a big disappointment for all candidate countries who still want to trust Sweden.

The number of those who are trying to move and tighten a noose around the EU's neck is not small. And in Italy, a right-wing coalition led by Giorgia Meloni's party, an extreme right with neo-fascist roots, is expected to take power, which does not leave much room for any rosy predictions about the future of EU enlargement. That is why it seems that for the Macedonian government it is less important to bid in public and to announce specific deadlines and dates when the next enlargement and admission of Macedonia to the EU membership will take place.

The EU schedule is currently too diffuse to be able to specify such things. It is much more important for the Macedonian government, instead of turning to the dates in the European indefinite time, to turn to the reforms that will provide the Macedonian citizens with at least a little better life - here and now - with less corruption, crime, nepotism, deep partisanship of employment and with an intensified struggle to strengthen the judiciary and the rule of law. And, let's say, with less seafood in the government dining room. Citizens, both without the EU and with the EU, deserve more respect and a more dignified life.

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